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Building: Faculty of Arts, Floor: Ground, Room: FA018
Friday 09:00 - 10:40 CEST (09/09/2016)
Since the very beginning of political partisanship research, the majority of scholars have recognised the very dynamic nature of political parties. This approach can be observed in various theoretical schools whether they are institutionalist, historical conflict-centred or modernisation-related. Alongside other outcomes, a debate about party models has evolved from this discussion. The first models to be recognised included cadre and mass parties, as defined and described by Duverger, together with specific forms of these two categories such as patronage and charismatic parties (Weber), parties of individual representation (Neumann, Kirchheimer), notable parties (Weber) (i.e. all cadre-centred parties), and class-mass parties (Kirchheimer), principal parties (Neumman) and mass-bureaucratic parties (Panebianco) (i.e. all mass parties). Subsequently, the catalogue of party models was enriched with the additional concept of the catch-all party (Kirchhemer) to which we may compare notions of the electoral-professional party (Panebianco), stratarchy (Eldersveld) and the party machine (Seiler). The next model to emerge was the cartel party, as identified by Katz and Mair, who described (post)modern political parties as fully professional organisations that are led by managers and almost entirely dependent on state subsidies, making them part of the state and “finalising” the shift from civil society to the state. A cartel party should retain only one of the basic functions of political parties – that of recruitment. As Wollinetz (2002) notes, ‘in contrast to more entrepreneurially oriented catch-all parties, cartel parties appeal to an even broader or more diffuse electorate, engage primarily in capital-intensive campaigns, emphasise their managerial skills and efficiency, are loosely organized, and remote from their members.’ This cartel model is still controversial within the political science community. It has not been accepted by all influential scholars. Meanwhile, over the last two decades, another debate has erupted within the stasiology community about a new and fifth party model. Many authors cite the “Berlusconi phenomenon” as the initial impetus for this discussion (cf. Calise, Hopkin and Paolucci etc.). Terms such as media party (Calise), business-firm party (Hopkin and Paolucci), franchise party (Carty), party of professional politicians (von Beyme), entrepreneur party (Krouwel) and clientele party (Klíma) may be noted within this debate. The latter is framed against the more general themes of party dealignment and the new politics. The aim of our panel is to open the floor up to scholars whose research focuses on new types of political partisanship and/or on a new, fifth model of political parties. Individual contribution will discuss theoretical issues related to the phenomenon of the “fifth-party model” such as its general characteristics, distinction from other party models, subtypes etc. Consequently, the presented framework will be applied on the recent development in Central European countries.
Title | Details |
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Conceptualisation of Political Entrepreneurs in Central European Politics | View Paper Details |
'Fifth party model': framework for the analysis | View Paper Details |
The Role of Ideology in Person-Based Politics | View Paper Details |
The Business Firm Party – Movement ANO 2011. Case from the Czech Republic | View Paper Details |
New Political Parties and Second Order Elections: the Czech and Slovak Republics since 2010 | View Paper Details |