Response strategies to political violence in the Republic of Ireland

In this paper we present preliminary analysis of a study of the response strategies adopted by election candidates and public representatives in Ireland in response to political violence. Results from a survey of candidates and politicians who contested the 2019 local and 2020 general elections in Ireland, as part of the Research Council of Norway funded The Cost of Doing Politics: Gender Aspects of Political Violence project, shows the extent of political violence experienced, as well as its gendered nature (Buckley, Keenan & Mariani, 2023 ). Results from that survey found that in most cases, respondents who had experienced political violence, failed to report their experiences to their political party. Further, when they did inform their party, in a majority of cases the party failed to take action. This study explores this finding using a variety of methods (interviews with representatives and relevant stakeholders, analysis of policy documents, legislation, party codes of conduct) in order to explore the range of response strategies that are available to and employed by those who experience political violence. We employ four different levels of analysis. First, the extent to which the state offers supports that can be availed of to those who are vulnerable or subject to political violence. Second, the supports that are provided by institutions to which candidates are elected (local councils, Dáil Éireann [the lower house of the Irish parliament]), and Seanad Éireann [the upper house of the Irish parliament]). Third, the supports provided by and strategies implemented by political parties, in the form of codes of conduct or protocols in place to address instances of political violence. Fourth, the personal strategies that are employed by individual representatives and candidates to protect themselves, their associates, their families, and their homes etc. Our examination will probe the variation between the supports that are available to candidates compared with representatives, and members of political parties compared with those with no party affiliation. Further, we will explore gender differences with respect to the strategies that are adopted in order to prevent HIAV from occurring and to address it when it does happen. While the research on gender aspects of political violence (GAPV) is still in its nascent stages, Ireland represents an interesting case-study given its candidate-centred PR-STV electoral system, low levels of women in politics (just 23 percent of members of Dáil Éireann and 25 percent of local councillors are women), and large number of candidates who run for election, independent of a political party. Given these features, we identify some tentative hypotheses. First, that candidates will experience greater vulnerability to political violence than representatives, since they will have fewer supports available to them. Second, that candidates and representatives who are not members of political parties will also be similarly vulnerable. Third, that men and women will differ in the extent to which they adopt preventative strategies and avail of supports for dealing with HIAV.