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The Legitimation of International Organisations in Disruptive Times

Institutions
International relations
VIRTUAL023
Tobias Lenz
Leuphana Universität Lüneburg
Sarah von Billerbeck
University of Reading

International organizations (IOs) continue to stand out as the most durable and authoritative forms of international governance and many of them render binding decisions in the expectation of obedience – that is, they hold political authority (Hooghe, Lenz, and Marks 2019). Following Max Weber, political authority rests on the voluntary recognition on the part of the ruled that a political system has the right to take binding decisions because it is seen as legitimate. Legitimacy lowers the cost of rule and enhances the likelihood of compliance, and it is crucial for IOs because they generally lack coercive enforcement mechanisms (Tallberg and Zürn 2019). Given the importance of legitimacy for political rule, Weber expected that any political system would seek to cultivate the belief in its legitimacy. We refer to strategic acts that aim at stabilizing and enhancing beliefs in the legitimacy of an IO as legitimation. IOs are currently facing a period of particular disruption. Though they have always confronted an evolving political landscape, current structural shifts in their environment and contemporary political developments render their legitimacy particularly precarious and legitimation, therefore, especially challenging. We aim to advance a new research agenda on the legitimation and self-legitimation of IOs in disruptive times that gives due regard to the following three developments. • Structurally, IOs overwhelmingly lack an important source of legitimacy of national political systems: an established self-understanding among the ruled that its members share a common identity. Democratic legitimacy, the main focus in the extant literature, may serve as the basis for an identity narrative in Western-dominated regional and global organizations, but IO (self-)legitimation may have different roots in different places and these alternatives have gone largely untheorized in the literature (Billerbeck 2019, Söderbaum 2004, Witt 2019). Moreover, the growing scepticism about multilateralism by some of its traditional proponents means that exclusive nationalist conceptions of identity are gaining currency, increasingly challenging (inclusive) democracy-based or other constructions of community. What are the effects of this development for IO legitimation? • IOs operate in an ever-denser institutional environment in which claims to govern an issue increasingly overlap among different IOs as well as between IOs and other international “governors” (Alter and Raustalia 2018). As a result, competition over who holds political authority is not only contested between IOs and their member states, but to a growing degree also among international institutions themselves. This development may induce new IO legitimation strategies, e.g. an explicit differentiation of their legitimacy claims from those of competitors, and institutional complexity gives rise to interactions between the (self-)legitimation of different IOs that has gone largely unnoticed in the literature. • Politically, the functional justification for IOs, that they are indispensable for transnational problem-solving in a globalizing world, is increasingly being challenged by domestic political actors. The return of “populist nationalism” renders this hitherto largely uncontested justification of international authority transfers increasingly problematic (Copelovitch and Pevehouse 2019). Yet, the literature offers little insight on what replaces this well-established justification, and to what extent it has ever dominated in non-Western dominated IOs.

This workshop gathers scholars that are interested in tackling this research agenda by studying the theories, practices, processes and politics of IO legitimation in a period of disruptive change. Papers are expected to use a variety of methods, data and theoretical approaches in order to examine the legitimation of a diverse set of IOs, including regional and global, task-specific and general-purpose ones, by a variety of interested actors, such as national governments, international partners, non-governmental organizations, political parties and international experts. This deliberately encompasses acts of IO self-legitimation. This agenda should appeal to scholars of international relations, political science, political theory, sociology, organization studies, communication studies and cognate disciplines. Papers can be theoretically- or empirically-focused. On the former, they could propose new or challenge existing theory on the legitimation practices or structural conditions for legitimation of IOs. This may include work that criticizes the legitimation practices of IOs from different theoretical and normative angles. On the latter, they could focus on discursive expressions of legitimation, or discursive struggles over an IO’s legitimacy, for example using qualitative discourse analysis or quantitative approaches to discourse. Or they could address the politics of legitimacy struggles, through single or comparative case studies or in large-N data frames. We especially anticipate papers that contribute to answering one or more of the following research questions that cut across these disciplinary approaches to the topic: 1. How do IOs claim legitimacy in the absence of settled “international identities”? What norms and values held by organizational audiences do IOs draw on in order to craft acts of legitimation? Under which conditions do IOs use discursive, institutional and behavioural strategies in order to foster audiences’ beliefs in their legitimacy? How does legitimation vary across different organizational actors, such as IO bureaucracies and member states, and across different IO audiences? What explains such variation? 2. Who legitimizes IOs beyond processes of IO self-legitimation? What actors seek to enhance the legitimacy of IOs, under what conditions and on what normative basis? On the other side, what actors seek to undermine an IO’s legitimacy, under what conditions and on what normative basis? What are the outcomes of such legitimation contests, under what conditions are they likely to result, and what consequences for the legitimacy of an IO do they have? 3. How have practices of IO legitimation changed over time and why? Who has contested established legitimacy claims and for what reasons? In what ways has the growing density of international institutions changed IOs’ legitimacy claims? 4. To what extent and in what ways do practices of legitimation respond to and seek to incorporate critique? How is the recent backlash against “liberal internationalism” reflected in the legitimation of IOs? 5. Are the (changing) practices of IO legitimation successful? Do they contribute to silencing critique and co-opting critics? To what extent have (changing) legitimation practices enabled IOs to survive and prosper?

Papers will be avaliable once proposal and review has been completed.