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Hybrid Pathways to Resistance in the Muslim World: Islamist Groups and the Modern State in a Comparative Perspective

Participation
Methodology
VIRTUAL036
Tine Gade
Norwegian Institute of International Affairs
Olivier Roy
European University Institute

Outline of topic: Following the Arab revolutions and counter-revolutions, the question of possible political pathways of Islamist groups has become more salient. Islamist groups have had to choose between standing outside the domestic political sphere or participating in parliamentary elections. The twin-shocks of the military coup against the presidency of Mohammed Morsi in Egypt 2013 and the rise of Daesh in 2014 created new constraints for Islamist movements. The various outcomes from these events highlighted the different political calculations that Islamist movements must make. Taking a global comparative perspective, this workshop will examine how different Islamist movements relate to the modern state. It will analyse Sunni and Shia Islamism not as monolithic blocs but as ideological arenas of dispute between competing and evolving social movements, operating in specific local and domestic contexts. Going beyond the case study approach, the workshop aims to build on recent insights from the contentious politics literature and conceptualise how Islamist movements strategise and develop hybrid political pathways. This relates to the question: How do religious leaders navigate the political space that is open to them? This raises another question: Why do some Islamist movements and individuals identify with the existing, territorial state, while others wish to erase state borders and establish a transnational Islamic emirate? The literature on contentious politics in the Middle East has grown in recent years. The workshop held by Janine Clark and Frederic Volpi at the 2016 ECPR joint workshop, on the local politics of protest movements, is a good illustration of this trend. The debate continued at the 2017 ECPR General Conference, with the section ‘Beyond Social Movements: Cross-Field Insights on Contentious Politics’, and the panel ‘Contentious politics in the Middle East: A Channel of Public Opinion or Regime Tool?’ However, the conceptual literature has so far mainly analysed secular activism (see, for instance, Beinin & Vairel 2013). An evolving body of literature analyses the strategies of Islamist non-state armed groups (Donker 2019, Hafiz 2018), but often without taking into account the religious dimension, like faith and the issue of salvation. What is being proposed in this workshop, both as a reaction and an addition to these debates, is an investigation of how the contentious politics framework can be used to analyse the pathways, or repertoires of contention, of Islamist movements. The workshop aims to integrate the ‘local politics’ perspective with a study of the transnational bonds of ideology and religion (Roy 2017), by examining pluralism and adaptation. Moreover, it will seek to highlight the ideological volatility that characterises many contemporary Islamist movements Our workshop will discuss the interplay between ideology, windows of opportunities and choice of political strategies. We will be interested in papers analysing how Islamism relates to social cleavages that already exist in a polity (ethnic and national bonds, nationalism, sectarianism, institutional and political voids). Likewise, it could be interesting to analyse how religious actors strategise in order to win elections. Nationalism generally sparks more popular enthusiasm than showcasing ties to other states. Muqtada al-Sadr, to take one example, has found a niche in his ‘Iraq first’ approach to Shia politics, though his movement’s outlook and ideology have clear family resemblance with the Islamic Republic he defies (Selvik 2019). Moreover, religious actors may be constrained by their need to maintain their aura as pious and honest men, and thus keep a distance to the government and the political process, which many citizens consider to be ‘dirty’ and corrupt. The aim of the workshop is to discuss how the study of Islamism can contribute to advancing the literature on contentious politics in non-democratic contexts. Our papers will discuss different dimensions such as the interaction between the social movement and the state; the role of state repression; the Sunni-Shia divide; the transnational dimensions and the local modalities of reception; and the role of tribalism. Thus, in a nutshell, this workshop seeks: 1) to better understand how Islamist movements relate to the modern state, 2) to systematically compare cases from the Middle East, Asia, North Africa and the Sahel and Europe, 3) to further build on the conceptual literature, especially by expanding the contentious politics framework on the study of non-democratic contexts. Relation to existing research: The workshop relates to three different bodies of literature: studies of contentious politics in the Middle East; discussions of recent developments in Islamist ideology and movements; and analyses of radicalisation processes in a comparative perspective. Social movement studies were first developed on peaceful and often formalised protest movements in Western democratic settings (Castells 1983; McAdam 1982; Snow 1986; Klandermans, Kriesi & Tarrow 1988; Tarrow 1993; McAdam, McCarthy & Zald 1996). The contentious politics turn (McAdams, Tilly & Tarrow 2001) made the case for a thick description of protest interaction, in context, and identifying common mechanisms of comparative value. Early studies of Middle Eastern social movements generally analysed Islamist movements, from the angle of Islamist moderation. They used extensive fieldwork data and applied concepts from social movement studies on Islamist groups (Wickham 2013; Clark 2003; Schwedler 2006) but did not attempt to re-formulate theory based their cases. Wiktorowicz (2004), Denoeux (1993), Clark (2010) and Volpi (2010), on the other hand, provided early systematic comparisons. The Arab uprisings (2010-2011) took most of the scholarly community by surprise (see, for instance, Bayat 2010). The upheavals were seen as defeating the overly structuralist analyses neglecting the potential for agency (Volpi and Clark 2019). Subsequent studies tried to rectify this, and began to examine protest events (Kurzman 2012; Bennani-Chraïbi and Fillieule 2012; Pearlman 2017; Allal and Pierret 2013). Volpi & Clark (2019) and Volpi & Jasper (2018) advocate using James Jasper’s notions of ‘players’ and ‘arenas’ to move away from the static and dualistic models separating between protest and control, and towards a more interactive perspective. Research has examined the role of specific mechanisms, including local networks (Heydemann & Leenders 2012; Volpi & Clark, eds. 2019; Pilati et al. 2019), interaction with the state (El Chazli 2017, Volpi and Jasper 2018), diffusion (Chalcraft 2018, see also: Tarrow & McAdam 2005), on-line activism (Nordenson 2017, Lynch 2014) and sources of solidarity (Aslam 2017). Scholars have also analysed the institutionalisation of protest actors (Clark, Dalmasso & Lust 2017) and the failure of the transition to democracy (Lacroix & Filiu 2019; Heurtaux 2015), in light of Dobry’s (2009) famous analysis of political crises. Most scholars writing with the contentious politics perspective – like Beinin and Vairel (2013) analysed secular groups. Some, however, analysed Islamist groups, examining repertoires (Grimm and Harders 2017), or internal structures (Lacroix and Shalata 2017; Alexandrani 2015). However, a divide continues to separate scholars describing the evolution of ideology (Cavatorta and Meroni 2016; Shadi & McCants 2017) from those examining political strategies of non-state armed groups (Donker 2019, Hafiz 2018). This workshop therefore aims to combine these perspectives. Moreover, it asks: Which analytical and ethical precautions should be taken when analysing political-religious groups? There is nothing exceptional in Islam or the Middle East that should make Islamist movements unfit for comparative analysis, using mainstream political science theories. Yet, unlike secular social movements, Islamist movements have the particularity that they operate both in the political and the religious field (or ‘spheres’). The leaders of Islamist movements are often clerics and can promise salvation and compensation in the after-life (see also Westphal 2018). The study of Islamist contentious politics could therefore be complemented with a sociology of religion perspective (Roy 2004, 1996; Lacroix 2011; Pall 2018). Moreover, identifying the difference between various spheres of action (or ‘sectors’, of ‘fields’) might help: How do identity entrepreneurs shifting between the political, humanitarian and religious fields (or spheres) operate using different logics? Moreover, our workshop will investigate how Islamist movements use the transnational religious references to mobilise, but adapt to local conditions. This can be compared to how communist parties in different countries adapted to local contexts, using a common reference to Marx. Meanwhile, the rise of Daesh and foreign fighter phenomenon have sparked a new interest in the mechanisms driving radicalisation processes and the shift towards the use of violence. This debate is not linked per se to the study of the Middle East, or Islamism. However, there are overlaps because both strands of literature have examined the jihadi phenomenon. The debate has focused on the role of Salafism in the radicalisation process (Kepel 2016), or the social roots of radicalisation (Roy 2017, 2004; Collombier & Roy 2017) often using individual level data analysing the social background of the radicals (see also: Hertog and Gambetta 2016). Moreover, scholars associated with the Centre on Social Movement Studies (COSMOS) directed by Donatella della Porta have conceptualised radicalisation processes, contributing to the sociological debate on political violence and jihadism (Alimi, Demetriou & Bosi 2015). Radicalisation is a process of interaction between a social movement and a state that gradually leads the former to the acceptance of, and possibly, the use of political violence (della Porta and Lafree 2012: 6-7). The limitation for the scholars interested in the mainstream non-violent Islamist mass movements is two-fold: much of the literature is either confined to the analysis of violent jihadi groups, from a policy oriented perspective (Hafiz 2018), or, on the contrary, focuses on secular groups. Studies of Islamist movements often remain more descriptive. Moreover, the study of jihadism has used too narrow, economic views of rationality. This is a pity, because local dynamics, such as ethno-nationalism (like in Iraq) and struggle for land rights (like in Mali), are often drivers of radicalization processes (Roy 2017; Collombier and Roy 2017). Variations in Islamist political behaviour are most often explained by either theology (AbuKhalil 1994) or domestic variables such as the extent of inclusion and exclusion of certain population groups (Wehrey 2013). While it is important to understand the domestic context in which Islamist groups operate (Amghar 2013), such explanations are often too generic to be of concrete analytical value for understanding Islamist pathways (Volpi 2010). For instance, why do some Islamists engage with the political process, while others do not? What explains the use of violence? Hegghammer (2009) argues that theological references are insufficient to explain the political behaviour of Islamist groups, and instead calls for an analysis of Islamist behaviour based on their rationale, i.e. mid-term political priorities. Indeed, Salafi ideology is not ‘imported’ unchanged from the Gulf, but adapts to local contexts (Bonnefoy 2008; Gade 2009: 56, 2018). Similarly, Rougier analyses shifts in political pathways using Lemieux’s notion of ‘action grammar’ (Lemieux 2009 in Rougier 2011: 56). He argues that grammars are impure, and thus prone to change over time, depending on contextual factors, or ‘the logic of situations’. To conclude, the literature has too long been divided between discussions of Islamist ideology, on the one hand, and the more conceptual studies of secular movements or political strategies of violent groups, on the other. The analysis of mainstream Islamist mass movements has long remained descriptive. This workshop seeks to contribute to the literature by discussing the specificities of religious movements in contentious politics. Moreover, it will create a framework for systematic cross-case comparison.

Likely participants: In this workshop, we seek to bring together researchers from a range of disciplines in the social sciences (politics, sociology, anthropology, media studies, areas studies, etc.) and using either qualitative or quantitative methodologies (or both). We encourage participants at different stages of their career. As detailed above, we encourage participants who have done extensive fieldwork for the papers proposing empirical analyses of Islamist movements and contentious politics. Types of papers: We are mainly seeking to bring together three types of papers and perspectives on how Islamist movements relate to the modern state: 1) empirical case study papers, examining the behavior of Islamist groups, 2) empirical case study papers, examining Islamist texts and primary sources, and 3) papers comparing across data and cases. We encourage papers that seek to contribute, rather than simply apply insights from the contentious politics literature. We will look for papers analysing Sunni and Shia Islamism not as monolithic blocs but as ideological arenas of dispute between competing and evolving social movements, operating in specific local and domestic contexts. This implies studying how transnational ideology adapts to local conditions and constraints, and how Islamism relates to social cleavages like ethnic and national bonds, nationalism and sectarianism. Papers using fieldwork data and drawing on the contentious politics perspective will be particularly appreciated. Funding: N/A Workshop directors: Tine Gade: Tine Gade holds a doctoral degree from Sciences Po, Paris (2015). She is a Senior Research Fellow at the Norwegian Institute of International Affairs (NUPI). Previously she has been 2016–18 Max Weber Fellow at the European University Institute (EUI) in Florence, Italy and a senior lecturer in Middle Eastern studies at the University of Oslo (UiO). She is the scientific coordinator of the Research Council Norway-funded research project ‘Hybrid pathways to resistance in the Islamic world’ (HYRES), and conducts research on Islamism in Lebanon and Iraq, where she has conducted extensive fieldwork. She is the co-editor Civil-Military Relations in Lebanon. Conflict, Cohesion and Confessionalism in a Divided Society, London: Palgrave Macmillan). Her work has appeared in Social Movement Studies, Contemporary Arab Affairs, Maghreb Machrek, and in edited volumes. She is currently finishing a book manuscript on Sunni activism in Tripoli, Lebanon, based on her PhD thesis. Olivier Roy: Professor Olivier Roy is currently joint-chair at the Robert Schumann Centre for Advanced Studies and SPS department of the European University Institute in Firenze. He is the scientific adviser of the Middle East Directions programme at the Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies and heads the ReligioWest research project (funded by the European Research Council). He has held positions the French National Center for Scientific Research, Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales, Berkeley University, Berkley University, OSCE’s Mission for Tajikistan and the UN Office of the Coordinator for Afghanistan. Prof. Roy is the author of many important books on religion and politics, including, Globalized Islam (Columbia University Press, 2004), and The Failure of Political Islam (Harvard University Press, 1996). His most recent work includes Jihad and Death: The Global Appeal of the Islamic State (Hurst Publishers, 2017) and Europe est-elle chrétienne? (Seuil, 2019). REFERENCES Alimi, Eitan, Charles Demetriou and Lorenzo Bosi (eds), The Dynamics of Radicalization: A Relational and Comparative Perspective. 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Papers will be avaliable once proposal and review has been completed.