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International relations and public policy analysis are both used for studying the transnationalization and/or globalization of public action and the specific role of international institutions in global governance. However, the epistemological assumptions, theoretical perspectives and methodological approaches that both literatures articulate are rarely discussed together. This workshop aims to allow for such a critical discussion and to shed interdisciplinary light on the central roles, resources and practices of international organizations (IOs) as policy-makers. The goal here is to open new forays in ongoing debates about IOs and policy-making, by asking different research questions and developing new research angles at the interface of the sociology of international relations and public policy. Initially IOs were mainly addressed by international relations literature through (inter-)state rivalries. Yet, academic debates on their emergence, their functions, the nature of their authority and their impact upon global politics have now aroused considerable controversy. For instance, some scholars have insisted on their organizational dimension and considered international institutions as full-fledged bureaucracies that extend the sum of their (state) components. Along these lines, Michael Barnett and Martha Finnemore emphasized that the authority of international bureaucracies is based on their capacity to present themselves as neutral and impersonal (Barnett, Finnemore, 2004: 21). A recent body of literature has also produced a sociology of international elites in IOs, focusing on the biographies, professional trajectories and everyday (working) practices of international bureaucrats (Nair, 2015; David-Ismayil, Dugonjic, Lecler, 2015). Other researchers rather tend to grasp IOs from below, studying the outcomes of everyday encounter between external interveners and their targets (Ferguson, 1990; Autesserre, 2014). These developments have significantly renewed the literature on international institutions. Yet, they have tended to overlook the productive dimension of IOs and their specific contribution to policy-making. In this regard, Andy Smith regretted that “the tools of sociological approaches to politics have […] far rarely been applied to answering the question: how the WTO matters?” (Smith, 2009: 176). In the light of this questioning whilst extending its scope, the purpose of the workshop is to make use of the conceptual and methodological tools of both public policy analysis and international relations to interrogate the specific contribution and position of IOs to policy-making. By breaking down the walls between the analysis of public policy and of international organizations, such an approach enables for a more sophisticated and fine-grained analytics of the various degrees of leverage and embeddedness of IOs and therefore of the types of political resources at their disposal. The underlying hypothesis of the workshop consists in making sense of the contribution of IOs to policy-making in relation to their ability to operate as ‘arbitrators’ between a series of discursive, institutional, normative and technological repertoires of public policy. Originally forged as a means to grasp the forms of collective action (Tilly, 1979), “repertoire” will be understood in the workshop as a relatively coherent set of both political representations, policy instruments and professional practices mobilized to frame the issue and shape policy action. In this regard, the specific location of IOs at the interface between different thematic and geographic areas as well as institutional and transnational fields can be regarded as a political opportunity to assert their own authority through the selection of the normative strength and the types of policy instruments to be implemented. For instance, Conzelmann (2008) and Schäffer (2006) have underlined the various uses of multilateral surveillance in economic and trade policies by several IO (WTO, IMF, OECD, EU). They suggest that policy tools have to be embedded in the internal manieres de faire of each IO, as regards the role of the states and the expected degree of consensus to shape decisions. In the case of the UN, the increasing use of targeted sanctions provides the Security Council with the ability to play between the politico-administrative nature of the sanctions and the judicial appearance of the (de)listing process (Sullivan, de Goede, 2013). Other authors have also underlined the how and why of the involvement of “international rule makers” into the construction of global public policy problems such as money laundering, especially “to construct the issue as a global problem that requires global rules in order to be solved” (Hülsse, 2007). The aims of the workshop are then twofold: - Crossing results of IO and public policy literature to strengthen the understanding of transnational public policy action. Epistemologically, this requires “normalizing” IOs as another -yet particular- site of public policy. Methodologically, it allows for the use of the toolbox of public policy analysis (process-tracing, public and social problem approach, public policy instrumentation and so on) and sources (institutional data, grey literature, ethnography and so on). One might yet argue that the particular dimensions of multilateral action (multi-level, degree of publicity, consensus, and neutrality) call for some amendments to the standard public policy approaches. - Unpacking IOs as policy-makers as a way to have a better understanding of IO in itself. In particular, we argue that considering IOs as policy-makers invite to reconsider how actors shape public policy as regards institutional, normative, discursive and technological repertoires. Far from eroding their normative power, the blurred boundaries between the scientific, economic, political, judicial and/or administrative spheres of/within many IOs paradoxically provide them with significant political resources to assert their own authority. As an interdisciplinary forum, this workshop will thus open up an original opportunity for the community of political scientists and social scientists at large to debate on these new developments and the possible convergences between paradigms. Relation to existing literature: While international relations and public policy analysis are often depicted as two autonomous academic sub-fields of political science, recent developments in literature are visible and closer linkage appears between IR and PPA scholars. In the early 1990s, Soroos (1990) invited to consider global policy as regards public policy toolbox. Since then, some programmatic articles have underlined this research direction (Petiteville, Smith, 2006; Stone, 2008) and researchers initially interested in public policy analysis have paid more considerable attention to political issues and policy practices that extend national borders (Haas, 1992; Kenis, Schneider 1991). Focusing on the definition and modalities of public policy, policy transfer studies have highlighted the exogenous dimension of public action and the importance of IO into phenomena such as external imposition, influence, inspiration or imitation (Evans, 2004; Stone, 2004). The field of public policy analysis also increasingly embraced topics and objects considered as typical for international studies, including international institutions or specific thematic issues such as global health or education policies (Kaul, 2016; Knill and Bauer, 2016; Stone and Moloney, 2019). Conversely, many IR scholars have borrowed the conceptual tools, research questions and methodologies that were forged within the field of public policy analysis to (re)consider “classical” IR questions and empirical fields, such as security, warfare or peacebuilding (Hülsse, 2007; Scherrer, 2016; Aradau, Huysmans, 2014; Cavelty, Balzacq, 2016). The typical concepts and “moments” of policy analysis -including construction of social problems, decision-making process, policy instrumentation and evaluation- have also been (re)investigated through the recent “turns” (e.g. linguistic turn, practice turn, material turn) in international and european studies (Neumann 2002; Adler, 2008; Adler and Pouliot, 2011; Pouliot 2008, 2010, 2016; Berling 2015; Adler-Nissen 2016). In this regard, one may argue that Waever’s “securitization” concept (Buzan, B., Wæver, O., & De Wilde, J., 1998) contributed to (critical) security studies (C. A. S. E. 2006) as much as the argumentative turn did to policy analysis (Hajer, M. A., Hoppe, R., & Jennings, B. 1993). In relation to public policy instrumentation and tools of government (Hood, 1983; Lascoumes, Le Gales, 2007), recent works have focused on the proliferation of what it is commonly referred as ‘high-tech’ and ‘low-tech’ devices – computers, databases, big data analytics and infrastructures of various kinds -– to examine the configuration and reconfiguration of transnational policies and practices by attending to the equipment or instrumentation that make them possible and temporally stabilize them (Bennet, Raab, 2003; Amicelle, Aradau, Jeandesboz, 2015; Valkenburg, van der Ploeg, 2015). In this regard, some authors have underlined the critical involvement of various IOs into technology policy making processes such as the role of the International Civil Aviation Organization in relation to the development and deployment of biometric passports (Stanton, 2008). They often rely on the political sociology of public policy instruments that has itself conjugated Foucauldian governmentality and actor-network theory. As governmentality presupposes ‘rational forms, technical procedures, instrumentations through which to operate’ (Foucault, 1997: 203), instrumentation is addressed as a central activity in the art of (international) government. The sociology of public policy instrumentation also retains from science and technology studies the argument that instruments are less inert intermediaries than partly autonomous actants that contribute to orientating actors’ behaviours (Lascoumes and Le Galès, 2004). Socio-technical devices provide grids of analysis to describe and categorize social problems in order to make them actionable. From this perspective, thinking of and analysing IOs’ practices through devices may constitute one of the possible analytical avenues that both echoes public policy analysis and IR. 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Typical participants' profile: The purpose of this workshop is to gather scholars from varied quarters of the discipline - including public policy analysis, international relations and organizations security studies. We therefore also believe that this Workshop should be of significant interest for members of the ECPR Standing Groups on “International Relations” and on “Theoretical Perspectives in Policy Analysis”. Several colleagues have already expressed their interest: Bob Reinalda (Radboud University), Diane Stone (University of Warwick), Leonard Seabroke (Cophenhagen Business School), Lucile Maertens (University of Lausanne), Frédéric Mérand (University of Montreal), Andy Smith (Sciences Po Bordeaux), Franck Petiteville (Sciences Po Grenoble ), Simon Tordjman (Sciences Po Toulouse). Papers could be proposed mainly in two main directions: - On the one hand, based on in-depth case studies, papers could pay attention to the changes and games around repertoires of various IOs (UN, EU, ILO) in a wide range of sectors (environment, economics, global security). In particular, the papers could address the following questions: What are the repertoires that IOs use in order to produce international public policies? Are some repertoires more specific to some IOs like soft law instruments? Are some repertoires more specific to some components (one direction, general secretary) of IOs? What are the actors playing with these repertoires? How do repertoires become resources? For which kind of actors? - On the other hand, papers with a more theoretical, methodological or epistemological perspectives could discuss the effects of crossing in a more systematic way literature on public policies and international relations: What are the effects of this literature crossing for the understanding of IOs? To what extent does it contribute to reconsider the role of IOs and multilateralism? What are the consequences for the understanding of public policy? Is it only a political rescaling of public policy?
Papers will be avaliable once proposal and review has been completed.