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Informal Groups as Structures of Mobilization of the Egyptian and Tunisian Arab Uprisings

Africa
Civil Society
Contentious Politics
Democratisation
Political Participation
Social Movements
Identity
Katia Pilati
Università degli Studi di Trento
Katia Pilati
Università degli Studi di Trento

Abstract

The mainstream literature on social movements has argued, since the 1970s, that social movement organizations (SMOs) are among the most crucial mobilizing structures for collective actions (McCarthy & Zald, 1977). In repressive contexts, however, the oppositional space in which SMOs can operate is rather narrow. The extant literature shows that the aggregation and mobilization of resources in repressive contexts frequently comes about through informal networks and loosely structured social groups (Clark, 2004; Bayat, 2010; Beinin and Vairel, 2011). Less investigated are the causal mechanisms enabling informal groups to become crucial mobilizing structures. This paper aims to understand which intermediate structures, formal organizations as well as informal groups, provided the basis for the protest mobilizations occurred in Egypt and Tunisia in the so-called Arab Springs. Using micro-data from the Arabbarometer survey (round 2, 2010-2011) on Egypt (N=1,219), preliminary results confirm that informal networks were the most significant mobilizing structures for the protests occurred between 25 January and 11 February in Egypt. In particular, individuals with friends or acquaintances who participated in the protests against former president Mubarak between January 25 and February 11 were more likely to join protests than individuals who were members of SMOs or other organizations. The paper will discuss findings unfolding the causal mechanisms making informal groups crucial mobilizing structures. It will discuss both the strength related to the structural characteristics of informal groups, namely, flexibility, adaptability, and immediacy (Melucci 1985; 1996); and the mobilization of primary solidarities nurturing the construction of alternative frames, thanks to high levels of trust and loyalties within informal groups, as well as the politicization of shared grievances pertaining to private life (Walsh, 2004; Gould, 1991; Pfaff, 1996). The same hypotheses will be tested on Tunisia, focusing on mobilizing structures and the protests developed between December 17th, 2010 and January 14th, 2011.