The ’Where’ of Radicalization: The Social Ecology of Radicalization in Denmark
Extremism
Political Violence
Mobilisation
Empirical
Abstract
With a few exceptions, research within radicalization has favored a focus on individual-level characteristics and explanations such as socio-demographic and psychological characteristics, marginalization and exclusion, grievances, social ties, and religious and political beliefs. Likewise, the focus on the individual has also been the dominating focus of interventions in the practical field of radicalization prevention. Much less attention has been paid to the immediate socio-physical or virtual environment even though the problem of radicalization seems to be highly geographically concentrated and research on crime prevention suggests that interventions targeting the contextual level may garner important preventive effects. In this paper, I therefore focus on the connection between individuals and their immediate surroundings in producing radicalization:
What are the functions of radical settings – socio-physical and virtual – in which homegrown radicalization occurs? Through which mechanisms are individuals exposed to radical settings? And what characterizes neighborhoods in which radical settings emerge?
The data collection has been carried out in Aarhus, Denmark, wherefrom several foreign fighters have left for Syria and Iraq. The data collection for this paper applies a mixed methods approach, combining one-on-one interviews and focus groups. My interviewees include ex-radicals, parents, non-radical residents from an area where radicalization has been a problem, police officers, social workers, schoolteachers, and leaders from Aarhus Municipality and East Jutland Police working on radicalization prevention.
Criminology constitutes the core theoretical framework of the project, more specifically, Situational Action Theory. Furthermore, the project draws on more specific theories of radicalization and extremism.
My empirical findings underline the importance of the contextual level in understanding radicalization. First, exposure to radical settings begins early through a combination of social selection, networks, and recruitment since these young people live close to each other, attend the same schools, or participate in the same leisure activities. Second, these radical milieus are settings where you connect with other likeminded, socialize and develop a certain common identity through various activities, and discuss religious and political relations and actions. These actions include, for example, leaving for Syria and Iraq. Third, these radical settings intertwine a physical and virtual companionship. The radical settings center on concrete locations such as mosques, apartments, or clubs in certain neighborhoods in Aarhus.
Fourth, the broader socio-physical context – the surrounding neighborhood – seems to affect the emergence of radical settings. The neighborhood of my field research is, on the one hand, a community with a strong sense of mutual trust, helping, looking out for, and knowing each other. On the other hand, the same positive neighborhood characteristics also have a downside. These aspects of social organization, social cohesion, collective efficacy, and social capital seem to be limited internally. In this sense, the area is partly detached from the broader society. Furthermore, this neighborhood encapsulates a certain moral context that promotes certain norms, values, and feelings of identity, some of which may be conducive to radicalization.
I discuss the implication of these new empirical findings about the ‘where’ of radicalization for radicalization prevention and targeted interventions.