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Linking Representatives with Constituents, or Aligning Parties and Voters? Petitioning in the Austrian Parliament

Democracy
Parliaments
Populism
Representation
Benedikt Seisl
University of Vienna
Benedikt Seisl
University of Vienna
Jeremias Stadlmair
University of Vienna

Abstract

Since the reform of the standing orders of the Austrian Parliament in 1988, the usage of parliamentary petitions (PPs) increased significantly. Unlike in most petitions systems, PPs in Austria cannot be submitted by citizens, but only by Members of Parliament (MPs), raising two questions: which MPs make use of PPs, and whom do they assume to represent? From the literature on party/voter realignment and on petitions as participatory innovations, we expect) two distinct practices: PPs as linkage instruments to constituencies (MPs from mainstream parties) or as mobilisation devices for realigning party and voter positions (MPs from niche and populist parties). A full assessment of all PPs in Austria since 1986 (n = 831) offers a long-term perspective on the usage of parliamentary petitions by MPs with regard to their constituencies and their parties’ role in the political system. Additionally, a content analysis of the very same from 2008 to 2017 (n = 331) sheds light on the framing, regional scope and economic as well as socio-cultural positions of propositions expressed via PPs. Our analysis shows, firstly, that the usage of PPs differs with MPs and their parties’ position in the political system. Therefore, PPs in Austria are an instrument of opposition MPs and those on the left side of the political spectrum. Secondly, we find a divergence between topics dominant in party competition and those expressed via PPs: While MPs from mainstream parties appear to utilize PPs as linkage instruments with their constituents, MPs of parties on both ends of the political spectrum show a distinct behaviour. Left-leaning MPs clearly underline core party-positions with the use of PPs. In contrast, MPs of the far right, despite their populist appeal, wholly neglect PPs as participatory instruments for sharpening their profile. Our paper therefore provides a novel empirical and theoretical account of linkage functions of petitions and contributes to research on realignment practices applied by MPs.