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Divided at Home, Divided Abroad?

Political Psychology
Immigration
Experimental Design
Survey Experiments
Semuhi Sinanoglu
German Institute of Development and Sustainability (IDOS)
Selin Kepenek
University of Toronto
Semuhi Sinanoglu
German Institute of Development and Sustainability (IDOS)

Abstract

How does polarization in home country affect the social interactions between immigrants in the host country? The conventional wisdom in the immigration literature suggests that the networks with co-nationals in the country of destination provides a “safe haven” for newcomers and facilitates their search for jobs, accommodation, and social connections. However, there is a gap in the literature that the impact of polarization in home country on these everyday interactions between immigrants is understudied. To address this gap, first, we conducted two online survey experiments with Turkish immigrants, because Turkey as a traditionally immigrant-sending country presents an intriguing case with high level of polarization. We also replicated these experiments with immigrant undergraduate students from different countries to check for how different levels of polarization at country of origin impact the results. In the first experiment, each respondent was presented with the Facebook profile of a hypothetical Turkish newcomer. We designed in total four fake Facebook profiles, and each respondent was presented randomly with one of them. The first fake profile is the baseline profile that does not signal any political ideology or party affiliation. The other three profiles represent a pro-AKP (the incumbent party), a pro-CHP (the main secular opposition party), and a pro-HDP profile (the pro-Kurdish party) stance, respectively. We introduced multiple ideology-signaling heuristics to ensure treatment: the ideological orientations of these hypothetical newcomers are signaled through varying cover photos, district of residence; Facebook likes of different newspapers, TV shows, football clubs, celebrities, cafes, and civil society organizations. In order to measure affective polarization, we asked a battery of questions about respondents' willingness to engage with the newcomer. These questions include to what extent they would share information and help with the necessary procedures for immigration and visa; to what extent they would help her/him to find accommodation in their neighborhood, to find a job, and to what degree they would be willing to meet this newcomer and introduce her/him to their friends and family. In the second design, each respondent was presented with a hypothetical scenario of a peaceful protest, organized by their co-nationals in the host country. The treatment was randomized based on the respondent's party affiliation: They either received a script with co-nationals supporting the same political party with them, or co-nationals supporting a party that is diametrically opposed against their choice. Then we measured political tolerance towards these demonstrations with a battery of questions. These questions include to what extent each respondent agrees that this group should be allowed to organize demonstrations or make a press release in their city or submit a petition to the host country's parliament; and whether this group's phones may be tapped and recorded for security reasons if necessary or not. Our findings indicate that polarization travels abroad and shapes the social interactions within the immigrant communities – immigrants from countries with high levels of polarization are less likely to help and engage with new incomers from their country of origin if they are not ideologically close.