Conservatives Representing Women. A Blueprint for a Theoretical and Empirical Research Agenda

Conservative women’s presence in politics is increasing, whether as candidates (Childs and Webb 2012, Kürschner 2011), elected representatives (Williarty; Childs and Webb 2012; Beckwith and Cowell-Meyers 2003) or as organized women’s groups in civil society (Schreiber 2008), in parties, (Young 2000), and in parliamentary committees on gender equality (Agustin forthcoming). Women’s role in the public and private sphere is often a core theme of centre-right parties and policies. The Conservative Party in the UK, for example, included the ‘feminization of the party’ –that is, more women candidates and integration of their concerns- as part of the modernization of the party in 2005 (Bryson and Heppell 2010; Childs and Webb 2012). Increasingly, we are seeing conservative representatives, women and men, claiming to act for women and gender political debates (Childs & Webb 2011; Rowe and Bird 2011; Kantola and Saari 2011; Bryson and Heppell 2010, Celis and Erzeel 2011). This paper takes stock of this literature and, from that state of the art, drafts a blueprint for a theoretical and empirical research agenda: what are the critical questions to be asked concerning conservatives representing women? Our main focus is the substantive representation of women – i.e. the representation of women’s issues and interests by conservatives and/or from a conservative ideological standpoint. The paper discusses three pillars of this research agenda: normative theory, elite perspective and citizen perspective. The first level is normative-theoretical and builds from recent analyses of the degree of fit between conservative thought and feminism (Bryson and Heppel 2010, Dillard 2005, Fraser 2009, Duerst-Lahti 2008). What, if any, is the added value of conservatives for the substantive representation of women? This section of the paper engages with recent theories on representation and responsiveness that, taken together, suggest that conservative claims with regard to women and their interests contribute to the overall responsiveness of the ‘market of claims’, and hence furthers the substantive representation of women, be it not per se from a feminist perspective. This approach contrasts sharply with earlier critical mass thinking that assumes solidarity amongst women jointly acting for women. Second, the paper addresses issues about substantive representation of women from an elite perspective: what do and should we know about conservative political elites (MPs, parties) representing women? Besides questions related to the content, strategies and motivations of their acting for women (see also Celis and Childs 2012), important questions concern the ‘audiences’ and the ‘substantive linkage’ between conservatives representing women and the women they represent. Audiences of representation are multiple; representatives not only address the represented, i.c. women, but also fellow MPs (from the own fraction, but also, for instance, women MPs from other parties), civil society organizations (women’s movements), the media. Who is the audience and how does the conservative representation of women works in front of these audiences? Furthermore, how, in their daily practice, do conservative representatives establish a ‘substantive linkage’ with conservative women in society: how, and on the basis of what do they claim to substantively represent women in society in a responsive manner? Third, the paper is concerned with the citizen perspective on representation. One can contend that theory nor elites can determine whether substantive representation is established, and that al stands or falls with citizens’ belief in their representation (see Karen Bird 2011). Our paper takes this critique serious and elaborates on this third pill of the study on the political representation of women by conservatives. Do conservative claims and acts for women contribute to citizens’ (i.e. conservative women in society) belief that they are substantively represented? References Beckwith K. and Cowell-Meyers, K. (2007) Sheer Numbers: Critical Representation Thresholds and Women’s Political Representation. Perspectives on Politics, 5 (3): 553-565. Bird, K. (2011) ‘Representation from a Different Perspective: What Diverse Citizens Think about their Representation in Canadian Politics.’ Paper presented at the ECPR General Conference, Reykjavik. Bryson, Valery and Heppel, Timothy (2010) Conservatism and feminism: the case of the British Conservative Party, Journal of Political Ideologies, 15 (1): 31-50. Celis, K. & Childs, S. (2012) The Substantive Representation of Women: What to do with Conservative’s Claims?, Political Studies, 60 (2). Celis, K. & Erzeel, S. 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