Ethnic parties, and ethnic linkages? Pachakutik's mixed and segmented linkages.

This paper addresses the Ecuadorian party Pachakutik and how it engages its voters. This well-known indigenous party has often been used as an example of how targeted appeals work with specific (ethnic) voting groups. I show, however, that this party employs appeals beyond those expected to target the indigenous voters. To approach Pachakutik’s complex system of mobilization strategies, I develop my own analytical framework focusing on programmatic, clientelistic, and symbolic mobilization strategies. I build on arguments of segmented mobilization strategies to develop a framework to understand how parties may combine these mobilization strategies (e.g., Luna, 2014; Thachil, 2014). My analytical framework contemplates the possibility that parties may use any of the three types of mobilization strategies in a pure form (i.e., using a single mobilization strategy in all districts), in a mixed form (i.e., using two or more strategies together in all districts), or in a mixed and segmented form (i.e., using in some districts one combination of strategies and in other districts a different combination or even a pure strategy). I apply this analytical framework to Pachakutik’s candidates’ mobilization strategies in the mayor’s election of 2014. I analyze the working plans of each of the candidates to determine the type of strategy employed. To do this, I used Qualitative Content Analysis. I supplement the working plans’ analysis by exploring the indigenous and mestizo voters’ voting patterns in each canton. Overall, the party’s candidates get electoral support from both mestizo and indigenous voters in all cantons. Nonetheless, mestizo voters supported the candidates most when: 1) they used symbolic candidate-based appeals (e.g., candidates’ competence); 2) they used symbolic party-based appeals (e.g., the work of the party as an alternative to traditional parties); and 3) when they used symbolic generic-ethnic-based appeals (e.g., the need to bring together all communities and having a diverse local government). I find Pachakutik’s candidates employ different strategies, often together (mixed), in each district. Notably, the party does not always use symbolic ethnic-based appeals. In a little under 48% of the districts, the party’s candidates do not use any form of symbolic ethnic appeals. Pachakutik’s candidates’ campaigns do not focus solely on indigenous voters. Instead, the party appears to concentrate as well on mestizo voters. This attention is arguably well received as the party’s electoral support analysis shows mestizo voters consistently support the party’s candidates. These findings go against the conventional evaluation of Pachakutik as an ethnic-programmatic party (Collins, 2004; Van Cott, 2005), and the argument that Pachakutik has turned into an ethno-nationalist party that emphasizes ethnic appeals (Madrid, 2012). The use of mixed and segmented strategies goes against common arguments about ethnic parties, which emphasize the use of clientelistic appeals (Chandra, 2011; Gunther & Diamond, 2003; Horowitz, 1985). Beyond this specific case, this paper contributes to the literature on segmented appeals by providing a framework of analysis for the use of segmented strategies. Further, it contributes to the more in depth conceptualization of how different types of appeals may be combined and employed.