Poland’s EU Vision: towards Illiberal Concept of Differentiated Integration?

In liberal intergovernmentalist terms, the differentiated integration is – just like any other status – the result of intergovernmental negotiations resulting from diverse preferences of states on the systemic model of the European Union (Moravcsik). The heterogeneity of states’ preferences is rooted in the following “factors of differentiation”: (a) the level of economic development; (b) cultural heritage; (c) national identity; (d) geographic location; (e) ideology; (f) current political conditions (Holzinger; Schimmelfennig; Winzen). All the indicated factors, in their specific interconnection, have contributed to the creation, and since 2015 also to practical implementation, of a new Polish vision of European integration. Three main postulates emerge from the views of academics serving as ideologists of Poland’s European policy (Grosse and Szczerski): (a) re-constitution; (b) intergovernmental democracy; (c) de-hierarchization. An inherent feature of ‘re-constitution’ is the consent to the existence of different levels of integration. It is based on a preference for subjectivity over integration, looking for partners among states reluctant to deepen integration, the will to separate from the mainstream of integration, as well as striving to play the role of a regional leader (Szczerski). The essence of ‘intergovernmental democracy’ is the introduction of the principle of unanimity in EU intergovernmental institutions, limiting the role of the European Parliament and the Commission, both coupled with strengthening of the role of national parliaments (Szczerski). ‘De-hierarchization’ presupposes keeping the balance between the largest member and smaller states, while the existence of an EU-built-in “directorate” or “asymmetric confederation” is seen as a systemic threat (Grosse). The aim of the presentation is to place the EU vision preferred by Poland after 2015 in the context of the current debate on differentiated integration. The thesis is the view that Polish ideologists created the specific hybrid concept of differentiation. It develops three traditional models: the starting point is the consent for “multi-speed”, the desired model is based on “(poly)centric circles”, and the side effect may be the permanent participation only in some areas of integration (“Europe à la carte”). In respect of Poland’s position in the EU, the analyzed concept while accomplished can lead to the voluntary self-marginalization and institutionalized peripherality. Out of the six factors of differentiation identified above, the analysis will cover those of an economic and ideological nature. Thus, according to hypothesis 1, the main reason for preferring the hybrid differentiation concept is the level of Poland’s economic development (then it is correct to consider the Polish vision as based on rational premises). According to hypothesis 2, the main reason for this preference is the ideology rooted in the so-called illiberal democracy (then it is correct to consider the Polish concept as remaining outside the sphere of rationality). Consideration of the above hypotheses can determine the usefulness of the liberal intergovernmentalist approach to the analysis of Poland’s European policy, contributing also to identification of foundations of the illiberal concept of differentiated integration.