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Response strategies to political violence in Ireland

Elections
Gender
Parliaments
Political Parties
Political Violence
Representation
Lisa Keenan
Trinity College Dublin
Fiona Buckley
University College Cork
Lisa Keenan
Trinity College Dublin

Abstract

Survey research conducted in Ireland as part of The Cost of Doing Politics: Gender Aspects of Political Violence project (Research Council of Norway Project No. 300618) finds evidence of gender differences and within-group differences in relation to the consequences of political violence. Women are more likely than men to say that their political engagement has 1) made them more afraid, 2) lowered their levels of political ambition and 3) lessened their willingness to run for politics in future. These findings reveal differential consequences of political violence for politicians. The findings also elicit further questions such as: what are the most effective and gender-sensitive responses to political violence in political party recruitment and in the parliamentary sphere, to mediate these consequences? To investigate, we explore response strategies to political violence in Ireland, modelling these strategies from the perspective of the individual politician. We consider politicians to be embedded within a multi-level network of institutions, from which they draw resources in order to formulate their personal strategies to combat gendered political violence. We outline an analytical framework that employs four levels of analysis. Firstly, the extent to which the state offers supports to those who are vulnerable or subject to political violence. Secondly, the supports that are provided by institutions in which public representatives work – i.e., local councils and the Oireachtas (the Irish Parliament). Thirdly, the supports provided by political parties to their representatives. Fourthly, the personal resources that are employed by individual politicians to protect themselves, their associates (for example, constituency staff), their families, their homes and their constituency offices. Using this analytical framework, as well as our empirical findings, we argue that not all women are equally well-positioned to implement effective strategies, with inexperienced junior women, lacking in personal and interpersonal resources, being less able to benefit from the available supports. Further, while this multiplicity of institutions can work to the advantage of the individual woman politician in some circumstances, their overlapping nature creates complexity and blurred lines of accountability, which can limit the effectiveness of the individual woman’s response strategy to political violence.