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Authoritarian Regimes in Regional and Global Governance Institutions

Participation
International relations
EDI17
Maria Debre
Zeppelin University Friedrichshafen
Daniëlle Flonk
European University Institute

Building: 50 George Square, Floor: G, Room: G.05

Tuesday 09:00 - 17:00 BST (19/04/2022)

Wednesday 09:00 - 17:00 BST (20/04/2022)

Thursday 09:00 - 17:00 BST (21/04/2022)

Friday 09:00 - 17:00 BST (22/04/2022)

We are currently witnessing a third wave of autocratization, with democratic recessions in many of the established democracies (Lührmann & Lindberg, 2019). The backlash against democratic institutions is also directed towards global governance institutions and the liberal international order (Eilstrup-sangiovanni & Hofmann, 2019; Ferguson et al., 2017; Ikenberry, 2018; Pepinsky & Walter, 2019). States exit from international treaties (von Borzyskowski & Vabulas, 2019), cut funding for multilateral projects (Ege & Bauer, 2017; Goetz & Patz, 2017), and contest central principles of international cooperation (Börzel & Zürn, 2021; Heinkelmann-Wild & Jankauskas, 2020). At the same time, important autocratic powerhouses strive for more influence in global politics. Countries such as China, Russia, or Saudi Arabia are investing heavily in development projects across the globe, they expand their international media presence, and cooperate closely within regional organizations (ROs) (Hackenesch & Bader, 2020; Weiss & Wallace, 2021). While we know a lot about the role of regime type and democratization in international cooperation and the spread of liberal norms (e.g. Mansfield et al., 2000; Pevehouse, 2005; Tallberg et al., 2020), we know relatively little about international consequences of reverse processes for global governance institutions. Instead, most of the current literature has focused on the effect of international factors on regime type. In comparative politics, scholars have debated the efforts of autocratic powers in intentionally shaping and sustaining autocracy in their immediate neighborhood (Bader, 2014; Tansey, 2016; Tolstrup, 2015; Vanderhill, 2013) with ROs as one possible instrument of influence (Kneuer et al., 2018; Libman & Obydenkova, 2018). Regionalism scholars in turn have investigated if and how ROs help domestic survival politics of authoritarian regimes (Debre, 2021a, 2021b; Debre & Morgenbesser, 2017; Obydenkova & Libman, 2019; Söderbaum, 2004). Constructivist inspired literature also looks at normative dimensions, debating the question of diffusion of authoritarian norms and practices and authoritarian learning as a more unintentional form of external influence on regime survival (Flonk, 2021; Glasius et al., 2020; Lankina et al., 2016; Yom, 2014). This workshop fills this theoretical and empirical gap by adding to our understanding of the consequences of growing authoritarian politics for global governance institutions. To do this, the workshop aims to bring together cutting-edge research on the role of autocratization for world politics both from institutional and normative perspectives. We aim to contribute to four major themes related to these two perspectives. First, the workshop addresses to what extent authoritarian regional institutions promote illiberal norms, thereby legitimizing autocratic rule and challenging liberal democratic values. Second, the workshop explores the role of authoritarian states as norm entrepreneurs who aim to challenge, contest and reshape international liberal norms towards authoritarian alternatives. Third, the workshop seeks to unpack to what extent authoritarian powers provide alternative institutional fora for cooperation in policy areas such as international development, security or trade, and how competitive regime creation challenges established institutions. Finally, the workshop addresses potential consequences of democratic recession and growing autocratization for the institutional design, legitimacy and performance of global governance institutions.

The workshop aims to bring together scholars who look at authoritarianism from an international politics lens, enabling us to come to a more comprehensive account of its consequences. We expect this workshop to bring together an emerging network of junior and senior scholars who work on the topic in the fields of international relations, international law, political economy, and comparative politics. While we welcome conceptual papers, we particularly hope to inspire new empirical work with a strong theoretical foundation from different ontological perspectives. We invite both in-depth case studies of single cases and involved causal mechanisms as well as large-N comparative papers that can help to assess variation in effects across regions and institutions. The workshop understands regional and global governance institutions to include formal intergovernmental organizations with regional or global membership, as well as clubs of governance, regimes, and networks governed by formal international agreements. We are interested in papers that look at authoritarianism broadly conceived as any rule that does not conform to minimal standards of civil liberties, the rule of law, and multiparty elections. Substantively, the types of papers envisaged for this workshop are as follows: (1) Papers exploring the role of illiberal norms and authoritarian practices for regional and global governance institutions; (2) Papers looking at the effects of authoritarian contestation for the liberal international order; (3) Papers looking at the effects of competitive authoritarian regime creation in policy fields such as development, trade or security; (4) Papers looking at the consequences of regime type and democratic recessions for the design, legitimacy, and performance of regional and global governance institutions. Questions can include, but are not limited to: (1) What are illiberal or authoritarian norms? How do autocratic regimes and institutions promote illiberal norms? Under which conditions can autocratic regimes successfully contest liberal norms such as multilateralism, or political and economic liberalism? (2) What are the preferences and strategies of autocratic powers within global governance institutions? Do they seek to contest existing institutions and established norms? Is there variation of preferences across different institutions and policy fields? How do they interact with democratic powers? What are the outcomes of these bargaining processes between democratic and autocratic members for substantive and procedural matters? (3) What is the variation of authoritarian cooperation in different authoritarian institutions across activities such as military and security matters, democracy promotion, and ideational support? Do these institutions pose a challenge to established global governance institutions and liberal international norms? (4) What are the consequences of democratic recession and breakdown on institutional outcomes? Does autocratization of politics affect the authority, openness, legitimacy or performance of formal intergovernmental organizations? Under which conditions do regional and global institutions enable democratic breakdown and autocratic consolidation, and when are they able to defend democracy?

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