Populism, Radical Politics and the EU

The last decades have provided fertile ground for the surge of radical parties and populism in Europe (and elsewhere). Since the turn of the 21st century, radical politics have entered a new phase. Populist and radical actors have mobilized through electoral and protest channels and succeeded in radicalizing mainstream politics on the European continent and beyond. They have reshaped social and political cleavages at the national and supranational level and scholars of extremism and democracy have proposed to add a fourth wave to Klaus von Beyme’s famous distinction between three phases of post-war right-wing extremism. Indeed, extremist politics is becoming increasingly detached from populist radical right parties, since grassroots activism has acquired its own standing in contemporary far-right mobilization whereas nativism, authoritarianism and populism now feature in the discourse of many “mainstream” right-wing parties. This section aims at analysing the relation between radical actors, populism, democracy and representation in Europe. It invites panels and papers dealing with any of the following aspects: 1) The relation between radical actors and democratic representation: What is the impact of populist and radical actors in government? Do they change democracy? What kind of strategies do these actors have in parliament? What determines the action repertoire of radical actor? Is electoral engagement alternative to street protest and contentious politics? 2) The interactions between populist, radical and mainstream actors: how, when and why do radical ideas drift into the political mainstream? How do other mainstream parties than centre right react to populist and radical actors? What are the social and political consequences of the normalization of populist and radical politics? How might we theorize the contagion of radical ideas and explain the progressive integration of populist and radical actors in political systems? 3) The internal organization of populist and radical actors: how do radical groups cope with problems of collective choice and manage internal organization? How do these actors respond to setbacks and reinvent themselves? What is the role of cultural aspects and symbols/ visuals in the formation of collective identities and in the mainstreaming of extreme ideals? 4) The political communication of radical and populist actors: how do radical and populist actors mobilize and communicate on the internet? What are the main issues are the core of their propaganda online and offline? What are the differences between populist and non-populist actors’ strategies online? 5) The relation between populism and science: populists tend to reject expert-based knowledge. The pandemic has been a case of mobilization against so-called authoritarian measures: what has been the dynamic between populist representations of Covid-19 and technocratic responses to the crisis? How do they frame, challenge or use science and expertise? 6) Populism, radical actors and European integration: while there is an extensive literature on Euroscepticism, there are still relatively understudied areas of research. To what extent the electoral success of radical parties and the increased fragmentation of the EP led to more direct or indirect influence of these actors in Parliament? Can we observe a contagion effect in the European Parliament on specific issues? Is there an evolution of these parties’ stances on European integration and strategies at the supranational level? Can we talk of a professionalization and/or normalization of populist and radical actors? This section invites panels and papers proposals on these six broad topics. We welcome both case studies and comparative research designs, empirical and theoretical analyses, as well as experimental research. Preference will be given to panels that mirror the diversity of the ECPR research community in terms of age, gender, ethnicity and rank.